Fourteen years after the start of the Syrian civil war, the country is more fragmented than ever. While radical groups establish new centers of power, large segments of the population – especially minorities such as the Christian Syriacs – remain politically disenfranchised and socially marginalized.
What began as a popular uprising against a repressive regime has turned into a protracted conflict with global dimensions. Today, not only Syrians are fighting for their rights, but also for their visibility. New actors – including Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) – promise stability but once again bring exclusion and repression. Particularly affected: religious and ethnic minorities such as the Syriacs, Christians, Druze, and Alawites. The price of peace seems high – and unequally distributed.
From the Baath State to Armed Fragmentation
For over six decades, the Baath regime ruled Syria with an iron fist. Political freedoms were systematically suppressed, dissidents persecuted, and tens of thousands disappeared in prisons or died under torture. Yet despite this repressive system, social pressure grew – until it erupted in 2011 during the Arab Spring.
The peaceful protest was swiftly crushed. Demonstrations turned into civil war. What followed were years of bloody confrontations in which not only domestic conflict lines but also geopolitical interests clashed. While Western states and Turkey aimed to topple the regime, Iran, Hezbollah, and later Russia supported the Assad regime with determination.
New Power Centers – Old Exclusions
The Baath regime is now de facto disempowered in large parts of the country. But instead of democratic structures, new authoritarian centers of power have emerged – foremost Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). This group, ideologically close to Al-Qaeda, controls large areas of northwestern Syria and has established a “transitional government” there – without elections, without public participation.
Particularly concerning: the constitution introduced by HTS is based on an extreme interpretation of Sharia law. Women’s rights, religious freedom, and minority protections are severely restricted as a result. Decision-making processes occur without the inclusion of broad segments of the population.
Additionally, key actors are systematically excluded from international and domestic discussions about Syria’s future – especially the Christian Syriacs. Although they belong to the country’s oldest indigenous peoples, they have been neither included in political processes nor considered in shaping future structures.
From Citizen to Hostage: The Return of Arbitrariness
Instead of functioning municipal administrations, HTS has installed so-called “Sheikhs” who act as local rulers in many areas – often without democratic legitimacy. These “new lords” behave like warlords: they control resources, justice, security – and thus everyday life. Corruption, abuse of power, and repression are on the rise. Tensions between various communities are growing.
Repression Against Minorities: A New Level of Escalation
HTS’s authoritarian course particularly targets religious and ethnic minorities. Targeted attacks on Christian Syriacs, Druze, and Alawites have occurred. The so-called “Mor Eliyas Massacre” marked a tragic peak: 25 people were killed, churches destroyed, and holy sites desecrated.
The Druze population is also increasingly under threat. Radical militias have repeatedly attacked Druze settlements. In response, Israel intervened militarily in individual cases – officially to protect the Druze population. These interventions were internationally controversial but also revealed the vacuum created by the silence of the international community.
The Voice of the People: Still Suppressed
What the Syrian people demanded in 2011 – justice, freedom, human dignity – remains unfulfilled to this day. The new order under HTS does not replace the dictatorship; it merely renews it in a different form. Ideological control, exclusion, and fear persist – only with different symbols and leaders.
Even more alarming is the observation that these radical structures are sometimes quietly or even openly supported from abroad – whether out of geopolitical calculation or strategic indifference.
A Different Syria Is Possible – But Only Together
Despite everything, the desire for change is growing among the people. Whether Alawites, Kurds, Druze, Christians, Syriacs, or Sunni Arabs – many are now calling for an inclusive, constitutional, and democratic future. The foundation for this is a new, pluralistic constitution that treats all communities equally.
Only if education, justice, and civil liberties are placed at the heart of a new social contract can Syria become stable, just, and future-oriented.
The Time of Handouts Is Over
The Syrian people no longer want to watch others decide their fate and divide their country among themselves. They are not asking for handouts – they are demanding participation. Not a piece of the cake, but the chance to set their own table.
Because the true owners of Syria are not those who wield power through weapons or hide behind palace walls. They are the mothers who lost their children. The youth who continue to fight for freedom despite all setbacks. And the people who have struggled to survive for more than a decade.