On 8 September 2026, a conference on the future of Christians in Syria was held at the European Parliament in Brussels. The central issue was not only how Christian communities can be protected, but a broader question: what political and legal order does Syria need so that people of different religions, ethnic backgrounds and cultural identities can live in the country permanently and on equal terms?
The conference brought together church representatives, political actors and international experts. It was opened, among others, by Mairead McGuinness, EU Special Envoy for the promotion of freedom of religion, and Nadine Maenza, Co-Chair of the International Religious Freedom Roundtable. The discussions focused on religious freedom, political representation and the institutional foundations of a future Syria. A central point of agreement was that long-term security cannot be achieved through temporary protection or symbolic representation alone, but requires equal citizenship, meaningful political participation and rights guaranteed by the constitution and the law.
Why this discussion is necessary
The situation of Christians in Syria cannot be separated from the development of the Syrian state as a whole. The experience of the past years has shown how quickly communities become vulnerable when state institutions are weak, the law is applied inconsistently and armed or ideologically driven actors operate without effective control.
A detailed incident report covering the period since December 2024 documents attacks on churches and religious symbols, killings, intimidation, property-related violations and a continuing climate of insecurity. The report also points to the lack of transparent investigations and effective accountability mechanisms as a major obstacle to justice and reconciliation.
The long-term consequences are particularly visible in the Syriac-Assyrian communities of the Khabur region. Before the Syrian conflict, an estimated 30,000 to 35,000 people lived in 36 villages along the Khabur River. War, displacement and, in particular, the ISIS assault of 2015 severely damaged this historical community structure. During the attack, 259 people were abducted, while villages and religious sites were destroyed or damaged.
These experiences explain why the future of Christians in Syria cannot be reduced to the protection of churches. It concerns property, security, language, culture, education, political participation, economic prospects and, above all, whether citizens can trust that their rights will be protected regardless of their religious or ethnic background.
Equal citizenship, not special privileges
One of the most important political conclusions from the Brussels discussion was the need to move beyond a traditional minority-protection model.
Christians should not be treated as a population group that permanently requires exceptional protection. The objective should be a state in which no citizen needs special protection because constitutional and legal institutions protect everyone equally.
The common position paper of the Syriac Union Party, the Assyrian Democratic Party and the Levantine National Council therefore describes a future Syria as democratic, pluralistic, non-sectarian and constitutionally neutral. No religion, ethnic group or political ideology should have legal or political superiority over others.
This distinction is important. Equal citizenship does not mean erasing historical identities. A modern state must be able to guarantee individual equality while preserving cultural diversity. Historically rooted communities should be able to maintain their language, culture, religious institutions and heritage without being placed outside the common Syrian state framework.
The constitution will be the central test
The future of Syria will therefore depend to a significant extent on its constitutional order.
A sustainable constitution would need to guarantee equality before the law regardless of religion, denomination, ethnicity, language, gender or political opinion. It would also need to protect freedom of religion and belief, judicial independence and equal access to public office.
This includes a question that is often avoided: should citizens of every religious community be eligible for every state office?
The common position paper answers this clearly. No citizen should be excluded from becoming president, minister, judge, military officer or public official because of religion, confession, ethnicity or language.
This is not a symbolic matter. It determines whether citizenship is genuinely equal or whether certain Syrians remain constitutionally disadvantaged.
Political participation instead of symbolic representation
Another central issue discussed in Brussels was political participation.
The appointment of a small number of Christian representatives to state institutions is not sufficient if they have no real influence over decisions. Meaningful participation must begin with constitutional processes and extend to parliament, government, local administration, judicial institutions and reconstruction planning.
At the same time, Christian political representation should not be reduced to church structures alone. Churches have an important spiritual and social role, but political interests must also be represented through political parties, civil society, cultural organizations, women, youth and other social actors.
This distinction is essential in a modern state: religious affiliation cannot replace political citizenship.
Decentralisation without dividing Syria
The future structure of the Syrian state is another important issue.
Carefully designed administrative and political decentralisation could bring decision-making closer to citizens, improve public services and strengthen local participation. The position papers explicitly state that such decentralisation should take place within a unified and sovereign Syrian state and should not create closed sectarian or ethnic territories.
This is an important distinction. Decentralisation does not have to mean partition. On the contrary, it can strengthen confidence in the state if local communities have greater influence over schools, culture, municipal services, economic development and reconstruction.
Return requires more than security
Millions of Syrians have left the country or their regions of origin. For Christian communities, this has in some areas become an existential issue.
A serious return policy cannot focus only on whether a region is militarily calm. People return permanently only when they can live, work, educate their children and defend their rights there.
The Levantine National Council argues that sustainable return requires security, restoration of property rights, infrastructure, public services and economic opportunities. Return must be voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable.
This turns the issue of return from a purely humanitarian question into a matter of state policy.
No lasting stability without the rule of law
A future Syria will also need to address the crimes and violations of the past years.
The position papers explicitly reject collective punishment and revenge based on religious or ethnic identity. Responsibility should be individual and determined through legal processes. At the same time, documentation of violations, accountability for grave crimes, reparations, property restitution and transitional justice are necessary if trust is to be rebuilt.
This is a basic condition for long-term stability. A state cannot function sustainably if crimes are ignored for political reasons or if entire communities are held collectively responsible.
Economic prospects are part of the political solution
The future of Syria will not be decided through constitutional reform alone.
Young people in particular will continue to leave if they cannot see a realistic economic future. The position papers therefore connect political reform with support for small businesses, vocational training, universities, youth employment, local investment and the return of qualified professionals.
This creates an important link between reconstruction and political stability. People who are expected to remain in Syria, or return to it, need more than physical security. They need a viable future.
What role can Europe play?
The Brussels conference was also important because it brought these questions directly into the European institutional environment.
The demand toward the European Union is not that Europe should decide Syria’s political system from outside. But Europe can use political, diplomatic, economic and institutional tools to support minimum standards.
These include the rule of law, freedom of religion or belief, equal citizenship, safe return, property rights and meaningful political participation. The position papers also call for reconstruction, development and normalization policies to be linked to measurable progress on human rights, legal accountability and inclusive governance.
Europe should also engage not only with church leaders when discussing the future of Christians, but with political and civil-society representatives from inside Syria.
The real significance of the Brussels conference
The importance of the 8 September conference therefore lies less in any single demand than in a shift of perspective.
The question is no longer only how Christians can be protected in Syria. The more important question is what kind of state can prevent any community from needing exceptional protection in the first place.
The answer emerging from the Brussels discussions and the accompanying position papers is relatively clear: Syria needs a unified state based on a democratic and pluralistic constitutional order, equal citizenship, an independent judiciary, genuine political participation and a legal system in which religion and ethnicity do not determine the value of citizenship.
Christian communities are not a separate case outside Syrian society. Their situation is instead an important measure of whether a future Syrian state will be capable of protecting the country’s full social, religious and cultural diversity.
That is why the Brussels conference mattered. It placed the future of Christians within the larger question facing Syria after years of war, displacement and fragmentation: what kind of state should Syria become, and can that state offer equal rights, security and a future to all of its citizens?
